Cultural
challenges and
the
nitty-gritty of
development
By Kofi Akosah-Sarpong
As Ghanaians enter 2009 they
agree that amonrg
its developmental challenges
are certain aspects of their
culture. That bodes well for
greater understanding of
themselves to themselves.
But, correspondingly, some
fear to discuss such
cultural challenges
rigoursly for varied reason
– ranging from fear to
intellectual gutlessness to
misunderstanding to
ethnocentrisms to unbalanced
education system.
Yes, culture, as part of the
nitty-gritty of development,
is increasingly gaining
attention in Ghana, and an
explosive one for that
matter, considering the fact
that certain aspects of each
of the cultures of the 56
ethnic groups that form
Ghana has its own
inhibitions that not only
hinder the group but also
the entire country. However,
despite their apparent
differences almost all the
cultures of the 56 ethnic
groups are the same, the
variation being geographic.
While awkward belief in
witchcraft as the cause of
misfortune is Ghana-wide,
the incidence is much
heavier and entangling in
the northern parts of Ghana,
preventing some women from
being admitted to schools
and undermining family
cohesion.
In July, 2006 a
one-month-old baby called
Mercy was accused of being a
witch and abandoned to die
in Ghana’s Upper East
Region. Baby Mercy’s mother,
Zoyen Teiva, also accused as
a witch when in primary
school and sacked, was
refused admission by other
schools for being a witch –
she died later from
harassment from her
community. Baby Mercy and
her mother’s witchcraft
ordeal, emanating from the
absurd parts of the Ghanaian
culture, becomes doubly
disturbing when even
schools, as centres of
rationalization, refuse to
admit Teiva because her
family and community have
accused her of being a
witch.
In the face of unconcerned
public intellectuals, who
appear fallible and lack
self-criticism, to take on
such destructive cultural
inhibitions, the school has
become vulnerable to
ridiculous deeds against its
core functions of reasoning
– a reflection of a nation
trapped between forces
irrational and rational, and
unable to free itself in the
face of emaciated
elites/leaders. This feed
into the view that
historically, Ghanaians
elites/leaders, in the
context of the relationship
between their culture and
progress, have failed to
enlighten.
While some Ghanaians see
general discussions of their
particular ethnic culture by
other Ghanaians as
ethnocentric, others prefer
to keep the rotten
inhibitions to themselves,
refusing to open it up for
diagnosis and refinement,
and, in the process,
increasingly being hindered
to progress and spreading
the inhibitions diseases
Ghana-wide. Such situation
is worsened by the fear of
ethnic profiling; a process
that not only borders on the
much awful tribalism, in an
era of cultural relativity
and sensitivity, but that
has also darkened the
Ghanaian public intellectual
climate. But for the sake of
Ghana’s greater
developmental challenges and
the fact that the various
ethnic groups are
increasingly mixing day in,
day out through inter-ethnic
marriage and greater
cross-country migration,
such views become academic
in the face of the urgent
need to refine the
inhibiting parts of the
culture for brisk progress.
While some inhibiting
aspects of the culture, such
as the Pull Him/Her Down
syndrome, are Ghana-wide,
others are either regional
or of a particular ethnic
group. Some close-minded
Ewes get angry if you raise
the implications of the
dreadful juju spiritual
practices in their progress.
But in Agnes Chigabatia and
other northern
elites/leaders there are
acknowledgements that
certain cultural practices
undermine their regions’
progress and that there
should be attempts to refine
them using universal human
rights values. In Mrs.
Chigabatia, Ghanaian some
elites/leaders aren’t hiding
from developmental
challenges that emanate from
certain parts of their
culture. But the Chigabatias
campaigns are yet to be seen
in the broader platforms of
Ghanaian public intellectual
discourse.
For the Chigabatias, harmful
cultural practices like
juju-marabout mediums
scrambling the social and
political system by
weakening common sense;
counter-productive widowhood
rites; menacing widow
inheritance; early marriages
and betrothal of women that
obstruct their progress such
as going to school; female
genital mutilation and its
physiological negative
implications; some
incomprehensible dowries
that undermines marriage;
human sacrifices that are
murders; witchcraft as
responsible for varied
misfortunes destroy human
agencies; the cultural
dictation of the beating of
wives; excessive reliance on
juju-marabout mediums that
weakens reasoning;
prevention of pregnant women
from accessing health
facilities for certain
cultural beliefs that
impinge on their long-term
health; and the killing of
twins that are deemed evil,
among others.
As the coalition of ethnic
groups that form Ghana
increasingly mix through
internal migrations and
inter-ethnic marriages any
cultural inhibition in any
of part of Ghana becomes a
Ghana-wide developmental
concern and need to be
tackled nationally. The fact
is despite juju being an Ewe
inhibiting cultural and
progress question, it is
also appropriated by other
Ghanaian ethnic groups, and
thus making it a Ghana-wide
matter. So attempts to
refine juju become an Ewe
issue as well as
all-Ghanaian one. Like other
Ghanaian ethnic groups, for
the past 51 years, Ewe
intellectuals (the Ewes have
high education index
compared to other Ghanaian
groups) have not openly
taken on juju as a
counter-productive
development matter. The
reason is Ewe intellectuals
are as publicly sleepy as
the rest of Ghanaian
intellectuals.
And this public intellectual
sleepiness, against which
the backdrop of juju or any
other unhelpful cultural
value plays, will allow
these negative values to sip
through the entire national
fabric and its institutions,
regardless of the particular
ethnic origin of those
negative values.
Instead of rationally using
democratic/traditional
consensus building
mechanisms to resolve any
stalemate that may crop-up
in future legislative works,
the Accra-based Daily Guide,
part of the mass media in
the forefront of the
cultural enlightenment,
reported that some NDC MPs
have resorted to juju to
resolve any anticipated
deadlock that might crop up
in the even parliamentary
businesses.
The target was the NPP
Minority leader,
Osei Kyei Mensah-Bonsu,
whose chair was secretly
fixed with fearsome juju
paraphernalia, in particular
and the entire NPP
parliamentary caucus.
According to Daily Guide,
“Juju, otherwise known as
voodoo, involves magical
spells, charms and sorcery.”
It was “introduced into the
House for reasons that may
be too bad to be true. The
aim, it is believed, is to
bewitch political rivals and
make them imbeciles.”
The sadness of the “juju hit
parliament,” as the Daily
Guide headlined its report,
puts Ghanaian
parliamentarians not only in
the dark but also
self-destruct against the
reality that they are
supposed to be the key
enlightenment educators to
free Ghanaians from some
horrible and unbelievable
cultural practices. The
attempts to refine certain
cultural inhibitions are
universal as societies
attempt to progress: the
Europe of the “Dark Ages”
had all these strange values
and erroneous thinking. But
European elites, through its
Enlightenment thinkers and
writers of the 17th and 18th
centuries, such as Galileo
Galilei, Michel de
Montaigne, René Descartes,
Voltaire, Jean-Jacques
Rousseau, John Locke and
David Hume, summoned the
intellectual will to
overturned such hampering
values by campaigning that
human reason could be used
to fight ignorance, deadly
superstitions, tyranny, and
to build a better world.
As Britain’s Edmund Burke
thought, some Ghanaians
elites/leaders interest in
opening the hindering
cultural parts for
alteration are aware of the
“humanizing forces” of
traditional values but are
more interested in taking on
the aspects that asphyxiate
Ghanaians’ progress in the
modern progress context.
Gradually, the enabling
aspects are being
appropriated into the
Ghanaian development
process. Traditional
institutions are
increasingly being
integrated into the
decentralization exercises.
The problem isn’t with
ordinary Ghanaians, who are
at the mercy of their
elites/leaders, but their
elites/leaders, as directors
of advancement, who are
expected to raise the
stalling cultural portions
as a public intellectual
task as well as a
developmental concern.
Yes, there have been Courage
Quashigah and other
elites/leaders boldly taking
on the dreadful aspects of
their culture as part of the
problem of today but the
movement’s low volume attest
to the future of Ghanaian
public intellectuals who are
giving away to a culture of
intellectuality desensitized
to complex argumentation to
free Ghanaians from
unnecessary cultural burden.
Perhaps, also, Ghanaian
public intellectuals,
fearful that “traditional
culture is so powerful and
so malign” will rather see
the culture “be left to stew
in its juices.”
But to leave the negative
culture parts to stew in
their juices is to show
intellectual, moral and
developmental powerlessness,
as Ghanaian elites/leaders
have done for the past 50
years, and buy into the
global notion that African
leaders/elites cannot think
well and do not understand
themselves (that’s their
core traditional values in
relation to their
development), as the Greek
thinker Plato would say. The
Ghanaian elites/leaders
appear perpetually mired in
some outrageous cultural
store that obstruct their
progress in some sort of
Sisyphean drama, whereby the
frightful facets of their
culture have become huge
curse that roll up the
development hill
now-and-then, as if it is
going away, only to watch it
roll down again and mess up
the development process, and
this is repeated over and
over again against the
feeble elites/leaders. The
planting juju in the
Ghanaian parliament by some
MPs attests to the Sisyphean
drama.
Such public intellectual
vulnerability undercut
Ghana’s long-held image as
the “Black Star of Africa,”
a mental feat that is
expected to see the
proud-and-big-mouth Ghana
float grand development
philosophies drawn from
within its core traditional
values as harbinger for
progress. The new thinking
is that if Ghana should have
started such expansive
thinking earlier, more as
the first independent
sub-Sahara African state and
additionally under its
assumed thinker first
President Kwame Nkrumah, it
would have set a boomerang
effect continent-wide,
boosted Ghana’s and Africa’s
self-confidence,
development-wise, laid the
foundation for African
values driven development
paradigms, and un-entangle
Ghana/Africa from any
developmental complexes that
have dogged Ghana/Africa for
the past 50 years.
Part of the reason for the
feeble public
intellectuality, in regard
to certain noxious cultural
practices that have been
encumbering Ghana’s
progress, is the acute
counter-knowledge
that denies that either
witchcraft or female genital
mutilation or juju are
counter-productive. Yet,
Ghanaians privately either
complain or fear about these
dreadful cultural
inhibitions, which mess up
their reasoning in regard to
their progress.
With huge national lack of
broader demonstration of
understanding of how certain
inhibiting aspects of their
culture undermine progress,
people become apprehensive
when the inexcusable parts
of their culture are raised
as a progress concern. The
reason for such state of
affairs is that Ghanaian
elites/leaders either do not
understand their very values
and the inhibitions brewing
from within their culture or
they find it difficult to
think well enough from
within their core values in
relation to their progress
or are cowards in
confronting such destructive
parts of the culture or the
nature of their education
system has blinded them from
seeing their clearly. Any
attempts to distill such
negative parts of the
culture will opened the
culture for broader
diagnosis and refinement –
as enlightenment and
development issues.
The increasing counter-knowledge
of the cultural inhibitions,
in both historical and
social context, put Ghanaian
public intellectuals – more
journalists and academics –
in a tight corner, as the
key faces of public
enlightenment. With thorough
grasp of their culture, as a
progress issue, the Ghanaian
public intellectual, as
Zygmunt Buaman and Michael
Ignatieff would argue, is
simultaneously a
“communicator and
participant” in public
debates in addressing
contemporary cultural
concerns, using the mass
media as vehicle.
As Courage Quashigah and
others indicate the
contemporary Ghanaian
intellectuals, drawing from
the global prosperty ideals
and concerned by the
currents within the culture,
shouldn’t necessarily
“involve themselves with
issues not specifically
related to their area of
expertise,” as Buaman and
Ignatieff explain, but other
areas as well (you don’t
have to be an
anthropologist/or cultural
expert to discuss your
cultural troubles, what is
needed is common sense and
wisdom to do so) and have
ability to “communicates
information and perspectives
on a variety of societal
issues.” When the media
helped ban female genital
mutilation, it was playing
this role to free Ghanaian
women caught in such
cultural practices from
despair and possible
physical harm.
The central issue is that
Ghanaian public
intellectuals, in the
context of our cultural
issues, are “primarily
concerned with ideas and
knowledge” that emanate from
the culture - responding and
reacting to cultural issues.
And helping to lessen the
unnecessary cultural burdens
of ordinary Ghanaians, who
are entrapped in the
hindering parts of the
culture and waiting in vain
for freedoms from their
leaders/elites.
Short of this, the cowardly
public intellectual
discourse and the broader
denials of certain abysmal
cultural practices, as part
of Ghana’s development
challenges, are symptomatic
of the new global discourse
of counter-knowledge.
The elites/leaders are aware
of certain cultural
inhibitions yet deny the
knowledge of them as
development challenge.
According to Damian
Thompson, author of the new
Counterknowledge, denial or
misinformation or
unreasoning of issues that
are known to be true but
denied is counterknowledge.
At the critical level, in
the Ghanaian cultural
troubles context,
counterknowledge occurs when
the elites/leaders are aware
of the devastating nature of
certain impeding aspects of
the culture but are either
overlook them or ignored
them or failed to act on
them by not only attempting
to refine them but also
failing to educate the
public of their inhibiting
implicating nature in the
development process.
The fact that today, in
2009, despite advances in
human reasoning and science,
some people somewhere in
Bibiani, a town in Ghana’s
Brong Ahafo Region,
credulously believe that a
hunchback’s hump (and other
physically handicapped
people) can be
ritualistically cut-off (in
the sense of human
sacrifice) for traditional
rituals to make them
successful tells the depth
and failure of Ghanaian
public intellectuality in
the face of certain dire
cultural inhibitions that
need to be refined for
progress.
Such open public dark
cultural practices in
relation to Thompson’s
counter-knowledge
arguments, go contrary to
the fact that Ghanaian
intellectuals “are lucky to
live in an age in which the
techniques available for
evaluating the truth or
falsehood of claims about
science and history are more
reliable than ever before.
Yet, disturbingly, we are
witnessing a huge surge in
the popularity of
propositions that fail basic
empirical tests.”
Ghanaian elites/leaders, 51
years on as operators of an
independent nation, are yet
to demonstrate, as Thompson
says, the use of “techniques
available for evaluating the
truth or falsehood” of
certain cultural inhibitions
in order not only to refine
the inhibitions but also
help intellectualize certain
parts of the culture that
have been hindering
progress. And it is in doing
so by its elites/leaders
that Ghana can properly call
itself the “Black Star of
Africa” – an epithet that
carry with it grand thinking
and African-centred
development philosophy.
Kofi Akosah-Sarpong,
Canada,
January
27, 2008
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